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Robert Parkinson, Professor of History, Binghamton University, State University of New York wrote in The Conversation:
The
Declaration of Independence, with its block of cursive letters scrawled onto
parchment, looks like a relic from the distant past. Likewise, you might think
the 27
grievances against King George III, his government and the British
people listed in the body of the document would have little relevance to our
lives today.
After all,
what could the specific complaints of colonists in 1776 have to do with 2026?
The parts of the declaration worth knowing about are the soaring
sentences in the opening paragraphs about self-evident truths,
pursuing happiness and all men being created equal. Right?
I’m
a professor
of history, and I have been researching
the Declaration of Independence for nearly a quarter-century. The
document has been featured prominently in the four books I have written on the
founding of the U.S., especially the recently published “Tyrants and Rogues:
Understanding the Declaration of Independence.”
In my
assessment, the issues that most disturbed the Revolution’s leaders in 1776 are
ones Americans are still concerned about today: a partisan judiciary, arbitrary
power, officials not being responsible to their constituents, people lacking a
voice in decisions that affect their families, and even policies about
immigration and citizenship. Moreover, studying the grievances reveals how the
Revolution depended on ordinary Americans. Without their political outrage and
participation in the rebellion, American independence would have failed.
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Since returning to office in 2024, President Donald Trump has brought in an estimated $2.2 billion, according to The New York Times.
In 2025,
the president made over $1 billion from crypto-related endeavors, a federal
report showed. Of this, $600 million was made by his crypto business, CIC
Digital LLC, that sold “meme” coins with images of his face, reported Deseret
News.
Speaking
to reporters at Joint Base Andrews, Maryland, on Wednesday, Trump said, “I
don’t get involved in my personal ... We have funds that run my money.”
President Trump has repeatedly missed legal deadlines and omitted business deals
required under federal ethics laws designed to expose conflicts of interest,
his latest financial disclosure reveals—lapses that fall to his
own appointees to police, reported JURISTnews.
The
927-page annual report, filed with the US Office of Government Ethics (OGE) and
released Tuesday, states that Trump paid late-filing fees for transactions that
had not previously been disclosed. It also acknowledges that licensing
agreements involving Trump-branded watches, sneakers and fragrances were
“inadvertently omitted” from his prior report.
The
periodic transaction reports, required under the Stop Trading on Congressional
Knowledge Act of 2012 (STOCK Act), must be filed within 30 days of the filer
receiving notification of a covered securities transaction exceeding $1,000,
and no later than 45 days after the transaction itself, giving the public
near-real-time visibility into a federal official’s financial dealings.
The 2025
filing discloses thousands of transactions, including large blocks of
exchange-traded fund purchases executed in September 2025. Trump’s 2024 disclosure, by contrast, listed the transactions
section as “N/A.”
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The U.S.
Supreme Court handed supporters of the Unitary Executive Theory a huge victory.
For decades, many conservative constitutional scholars have argued that the
president should have complete control over the executive branch.
Those who
advocated for the Unitary Executive Theory argued that the executive branch of
government should have the unchecked ability to remove members of agencies like
the Federal Communication Commission (FCC), Federal Trade Commission (FTC) or
National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and undo laws that restrict the
president's ability to make those moves.
The high
court ruled that congressional restrictions on the president's power violated
the separation of powers. Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution says,
"The executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States
of America."
The modern
push for a unitary executive gained traction during the Reagan administration.
Organizations like the Federalist Society and the Heritage Foundation began a
decades-long effort to bring the theory into the mainstream.
The debate
over executive power dates back to the Founding Fathers. In the Federalist
Papers, Alexander Hamilton argued for a strong executive leader. He asserted,
"Energy in the executive is the leading character in the definition of
good government. It is essential to the protection of the community against
foreign attacks ... (and) to the security of liberty."
The facts
at issue in the case before the Supreme Court related to a law that barred the
president from firing members of the FTC except in cases of "inefficiency,
neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office."
According
to SCOTUSblog, during his first term in office, President Donald Trump
nominated Rebecca Slaughter to fill one of the Democratic seats on the FTC. She
was renominated in 2023 to serve a second term. Last year, Slaughter was
informed that she had been "removed from the Federal Trade Commission,
effective immediately." The letter did not cite any of the legal grounds
that would allow Trump to remove her. Slaughter went to court to stop her
removal. The case made its way to the Supreme Court.
By a 6-3
margin, the justices overruled a 91-year-old decision that upheld the law
restricting presidential control over executive agencies. According to
SCOTUSblog, the Supreme Court gave President Donald Trump "sweeping new
authority over approximately two dozen multi-member agencies that Congress
intended to be independent."
This
ruling brings more room for self-dealing, favoritism and corruption, whatever
political party controls the presidency.
Cass R.
Sunstein, who once headed the White House Office of Information and Regulatory
Affairs, wrote in The New York Times, "Now that the White House is in
charge of the FCC for example, the president may reward his political friends
and punish his political enemies in ways that threaten freedom of expression
and that might not be visible to the public."
Chief
Justice John Roberts penned the majority opinion. He wrote that "the
President must have the assistance of officers he can trust ... (t)hen, and
only then, can they remain accountable to the President, and the President to
the people."
According
to The Hill, Justice Sonia Sotomayor delivered a sharp dissent. "Put
simply, today the majority reshapes our Government," Sotomayor wrote in
her 49-page dissent, joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson.
She added,
"Dozens of independent commissions are now likely to become purely
executive agencies, shifting tremendous power over broad swaths of American
life into the President's hands."
The
Unitary Executive Theory lends itself to abuses of authority. As has been
demonstrated in the last 18 months, the concentration of power in a single
individual invites abuses of power, undermines legislative and judicial
independence, and puts the nation at risk of impulsive or unconstitutional
actions.
Matthew T.
Mangino is of counsel with Luxenberg, Garbett, Kelly & George P.C. His
book, "The Executioner's Toll," 2010, was released by McFarland
Publishing. You can reach him at www.mattmangino.com and follow him on Twitter
@MatthewTMangino
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The U.S. Supreme Court has recently ruled that law enforcement searches for the location history of cellphones near crime scenes are covered by the Fourth Amendment, requiring warrants to obtain the data, reported the Pennsylvania Capital-Star.
But the
high court left unsettled when searches for the information are reasonable —
likely meaning the justices will eventually weigh in again on the privacy
rights of Americans in the electronic era.
In a 6-3 decision, the Supreme Court ruled that police
officers conducted a search for the purposes of the Fourth Amendment when they
obtained cellphone location history data during an investigation into a bank
robbery in Virginia. The amendment protects against unreasonable searches and
seizures by the government.
“An
individual has a reasonable expectation of privacy in records about his cell
phone’s location, and police intrude on that constitutionally protected
interest when they demand the information — even though for only a limited
time, and from a third-party tech company,” Justice Elena Kagan wrote in the
majority opinion.
Kagan was
joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Brett
Kavanaugh and Kentanji Brown Jackson. Justice Neil Gorsuch concurred in the
judgment but did not join the majority opinion.
Justice
Samuel Alito dissented, joined by Justices Clarence Thomas and Amy Coney
Barrett.
States ask
warrants be upheld
Over the
past two decades, geofence warrants have become a major tool of law
enforcement. At a basic level, they allow police to identify phones within a
geographic area for a certain period of time. The data can be tremendously
valuable to investigators, offering a way to develop suspects in crimes where
their identities aren’t otherwise known.
Civil
liberties advocates warned that geofence warrants ensnare people in digital
dragnets, handing the government data on anyone who happens to be in the wrong
place at the wrong time. They argued that accessing data on anyone within a
certain area — the geofence — amounts to a general warrant prohibited by the
Constitution.
A broad
bipartisan coalition of states urged the justices to uphold the warrants.
Thirty-one states and the District of Columbia filed a brief with the court
arguing that geofence warrants can be more precise than many traditional
investigative methods when supported by probable cause and appropriately
tailored. In the brief, they urged the justices not to prohibit geofence
warrants altogether.
Geofence
warrants can generate critical leads when the perpetrators of crimes are
otherwise unknown, they wrote. When suspects are unknown but the suspected
wrongdoing is linked to a specific place and time, location data provides one
of the narrowest available tools for finding leads, the brief argues.
Credit
union robbery in Virginia
The case centered on a 2019 robbery of a federal credit
union in Midlothian, Virginia. Okello Chatrie was convicted of armed robbery
after surveillance footage showed the robber using a cellphone. A detective
then obtained a geofence warrant directed at Google for devices within 150
meters of the credit union within an hour of the robbery.
Google
initially provided anonymized data in response to the warrant. The detective
then requested and received additional location data on nine users. Finally,
the detective received de-anonymized information on three users, without
obtaining an additional warrant.
While
Google has since changed the way it stores location history data to limit
geofence warrants, other apps and tech firms collect the data. Lawyers for
Chatrie argued that geofence warrants open the door to the authorities
requesting information on everyone at a sensitive location — perhaps an
abortion clinic or a political convention — at a particular time.
The
records serve as a “personal journal of a user’s movements,” Kagan wrote.
Location history resembles other private materials like emails, documents,
photos and calendars that, even if stored on Google’s servers, users reasonably
view as their own, she wrote. Users, in turn, expect the data to be shielded
from the “inquisitive eyes” of the government, Kagan wrote.
‘Reasonable’
question unanswered
But Kagan
and the court’s majority didn’t wade into whether the search of Chatrie was
reasonable under the Fourth Amendment. While the warrant in the case was an
uncommon, multi-step warrant, Kagan wrote, the lower appeals court found that a
search did not occur, so it did not decide whether the warrant was reasonable.
“We are,
as we have said many times before, ‘a court of review, not of first view,’”
Kagan wrote. “It is therefore now up to the Court of Appeals to decide whether,
at each step of the search process, the warrant satisfied the Fourth
Amendment’s requirements of particularity and probable cause.”
In his
dissent, Alito wrote that the Supreme Court’s decision “further destabilizes”
longstanding jurisprudence on the Fourth Amendment. He accused the majority of
issuing an advisory opinion by not addressing whether the search of Chatrie’s
data was reasonable.
“Indeed,
by refusing to review the one question that could have at least theoretically
given Chatrie some hope of relief, the Court carefully set the stage for its
planned performance: striking a pose as a great champion of privacy in the
digital age. I cannot support this irresponsible escapade,” Alito wrote.
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