David French of The New York Times writes:
October was a terrible, horrible, no good, very bad month for the Department of Justice.
The worst moment happened on Oct. 5, when the
department made a third attempt
to prosecute James Comey, the former director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation.
The first attempt, an indictment for lying to
Congress, failed when a federal court dismissed
the case because the prosecutor was appointed illegally. The second, an
indictment for threatening the president by posting a photo online of a collection
of seashells on a beach that were arranged to say “86 47,” is still
pending.
Comey, however, has filed two motions to dismiss — one based on his free speech
rights and the other claiming that the government has engaged in vindictive
prosecution.
The case is absurd on its face. In a 1969 case, Watts
v. United States, the Supreme Court held that a far more explicit threat —
the defendant had said that he would resist the draft, but “if they ever make
me carry a rifle the first man I want to get in my sights is L.B.J.” — was
nothing more than “political hyperbole” and protected by the First Amendment.
The third attempt is, if anything, even more specious.
The Department of Justice filed what is called a criminal information (not an indictment), claiming that
Comey leaked classified information that ended up in The New York Times in
October 2016.
This is not the first time that the Trump
administration has considered bringing this charge. Trump administration
prosecutors looked into this incident in 2017 and 2019 and declined to
bring charges both times.
But there’s now a new sheriff in town — Todd Blanche,
the attorney general of the United States and President Trump’s former personal
lawyer — and Todd Blanche does what Trump says.
To be clear, an information isn’t an indictment. It can’t actually start Comey’s case. The Fifth Amendment says, “No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury.”
Instead, it’s a unilateral filing by prosecutors that
has the effect of sometimes tolling (that is to say, stopping) the statute of
limitations. It can only actually start a federal felony prosecution if the
defendant waives his right to indictment by grand jury, which Comey has not
done.
In fact, the Department of Justice admits
that it filed the information for the purpose of tolling the statute of
limitations. It was filed on the very day that the 10-year statute of
limitations was set to expire. In effect, they’re hoping it can serve as a
place holder that keeps the case alive until a grand jury finally indicts.
But there’s a problem — a big problem. While some
federal criminal statutes allow the department to toll the statute of
limitations with an information, this one does not. As Andrew McCarthy, a
former federal prosecutor, wrote in National Review, the relevant
statute requires an indictment within 10 years. It makes no reference to an
information.
In other words, this legal filing is a bad joke. The
lawyers who brought it should be ashamed of themselves, and they should be
sanctioned by the court.
But that’s not the only legal embarrassment from the
last month. On Monday, a federal judge in Manhattan ruled that the Department
of Justice acted
illegally in 2025 when it fired Maurene Comey, James Comey’s daughter, a
highly respected prosecutor in the Southern District of New York.
On Tuesday, a federal grand jury refused
to indict Cassidy Hutchinson for perjury. Hutchinson was a key witness in
the House of Representatives’ investigation of the events of Jan. 6, 2021.
Hutchinson joins a long line of political opponents
that Trump has tried — and failed — to indict, including Attorney General Letitia
James of New York and six
Democratic lawmakers who had posted a video saying that members of the
military had a duty to disobey illegal orders.
It is extremely rare for federal grand juries to
refuse to indict. I’ve known prosecutors who’ve gone their entire careers
without seeing a “no true bill” (the technical term for the refusal to indict).
Under Trump, it’s a regular occurrence.
It gets worse. Also on Tuesday, Zia Faruqui, a federal
magistrate judge, eviscerated Trump administration prosecutors after they
tried to add a new charge against two former F.B.I. officials charged with
lying to Congress without seeking court approval.
The judge ordered the new complaint struck from the
record. “It is inappropriate,” he said. “I am surprised that a complaint
unsigned by a judge was filed on a docket where I am unaware of that ever
happening in this court.”
“Everything you are doing is just giving me more and
more concern,” he said.
I’m going to stop there, but even as I do, I feel as
if I’m misleading you. I’m stopping because of space, not because that’s the
end of the outrages. In case after case after case, the Department of Justice
is targeting Trump opponents, making frivolous arguments and engaging in
vindictive, meritless prosecutions.
I blame Trump, but I also blame Blanche. He doesn’t understand his own job.
We all know that Trump has an extreme view of executive power that renders him a virtual
elected monarch. His administration’s actions extend well beyond conventional
unitary executive theory, which puts a premium on presidential control over the
executive branch. He treats the law as his plaything, deciding on his own whim
which laws will be enforced and which ones will not.
It is true that the president is the boss of every
cabinet official. He can fire them at will. But it is also true that the
attorney general is different from every other member of the cabinet.
Unlike, say, Pete Hegseth, Blanche has three masters,
not one. The attorney general and all the lawyers working for him also answer
to the judiciary, which not only decides the cases he brings; it also governs
the conduct of D.O.J. officials in court. And he also answers to the bar —
rules of ethics are binding on every attorney, including government attorneys.
In addition, Trump may be Blanche’s boss, but he is
not Blanche’s client. Blanche’s client is the government of the United States, including
its various agencies. Blanche owes his fiduciary duty to the government (and,
ultimately, the Constitution), not to the president.
In the criminal context, these additional obligations
have profound meaning. In a 1935 case, Berger
v. United States, the Supreme Court said, “The United States attorney is
the representative not of an ordinary party to a controversy, but of a
sovereignty whose obligation to govern impartially is as compelling as its
obligation to govern at all, and whose interest, therefore, in a criminal
prosecution is not that it shall win a case, but that justice shall be done.”
Read those words, and then ask yourself: Does that
sound like Todd Blanche to you?
The attorney general is no ordinary lawyer, and
neither are the attorneys who work for the Department of Justice. Trump is
their boss, but the Constitution is their true master, and no president can
compel them to violate ethics rules or court orders.
Last month, I
wrote a newsletter urging a Democratic House and Senate (should the
Democrats win control on Tuesday) to follow Senator Elissa Slotkin’s advice and
hold the administration’s most malevolent actors accountable for their worst
misdeeds. It’s time to resurrect impeachment. I mentioned Pete Hegseth. I
should have mentioned Todd Blanche too.
His “high crime” is corrupting the Department of
Justice, and only a decisive act of political hygiene can cleanse the D.O.J. of
MAGA’s terrible stain.
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